Monday, October 8, 2012

Lack of Political Will to Fight Corruption in Uganda


Cabinet reshuffle confirms lack of political will to fight corruption 
By Adellah Agaba

President Yoweri Museveni recently made a cabinet reshuffle which critics have argued underscored the Government’s lack of political will to fight corruption.  
The Cabinet lineup included three ministers still battling court cases over abuse of office and causing financial loss to the government, resulting from their roles in organizing the 2007 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Kampala which allegedly cost the government over $150 million (over sh350 billion). 

Ministers Sam Kutesa (Foreign Affairs) and Mwesigwa Rukuntana (State for Labor) retained their positions, while John Nasasira was transferred from the apparently “less influential” post of Chief Whip to General Duties Minister in the Office of the Prime Minister.  Some of these ministers were also accused of taking bribes from oil companies which they denied.
In 2004, President Museveni launched the National Strategy to Fight Corruption. The strategy provided a Plan of Action to guide interventions in the fight against graft, and culminated into the government declaring a Zero tolerance policy towards corruption, as part of the overall National Anti-Corruption Strategy. However, the direction that the ruling NRM government is taking seems to be in direct conflict with this “only on paper” strategy. The President continues to make appointments to reward patronage and loyalty, rather than merit. Individuals muddied by corruption, such as Alintuma Nsambu, continue to enjoy presidential approval as the NRM seems resigned to its inability to check the “progress” made by those ripping off government coffers.  

With the glaring reluctance to fight corruption, exhibited by the actions of the President, it was not surprising that some of these political players resurfaced in the new Cabinet even before they are acquitted by the courts of law. In any case, did the President not reappoint Kutesa to government after his censor by the 6th Parliament for abuse of office?
The reappointments of ministers Kutesa, Nasasira and Rukutana have therefore laid bare any claims of President Museveni’s commitment to eliminate the terminal cancer of corruption in his government. Worse still, the appointments of Alintuma Nsambu (ambassador) and Kirunda Kivejinja (presidential ambassador) - despite both being regularly linked to corruption scandals - are testimony to the regime’s inability to prize merit over loyalty. 
According to Transparency International Annual Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of December 2011, Uganda’s score has remained dismally below 3.0 percent, suggesting that corruption is “prospering” and that not much impact has been registered in effectively fighting against the vice. The country is still ranked among the most corrupt countries, placed at number 143 out of 182. This is a worrying decline from the 127th ranking in 2010.
Despite some positive aspects of the legal and institutional framework, recent corruption cases and political developments in Uganda indicate a lack of political backing for the implementation of anti-corruption reforms. The government needs to urgently enforce the existing anti corruption laws.   

 The President needs to seize this moment and reaffirm his commitment to the fight against corruption by not reinstating ministers tainted with corruption scandals just like he did with former ministers Prof. Khiddu Makubuya, Saida Bbumba and Kabakumba Masiko. 
If the fight against corruption is to yield tangible results, there is need to mobilize citizens to demand for government action on corruption. Since fighting corruption requires concerted efforts and active participation of all stakeholders, citizens need to be sensitized about their constitutional and legal rights and entitlements if they are to demand for them from the state. However, the onus remains with the government of Uganda and the President in particular, to go beyond talking - and walk the talk. 

If corruption is not to exacerbate inequalities and weaken government service delivery, there is need for government to take decisive action irrespective of the personalities involved; and restore public faith and confidence in the “Zero tolerance to corruption” policy.

 The writer works with Uganda Debt Network

Tuesday, October 2, 2012

Youth Unemployment Vs Poor Education Sytem


Youth Unemployment as a result of poor Education Systems in Uganda

The term unemployment is not new to many Ugandans where youth unemployment was 23% by the year 2002 and estimated to be at a whopping 32.2% at the present and the extent of the problem has long been recognized as a serious gap in the country’s efforts to reduce poverty and idleness among the young people. The Ugandan labor force consists of persons aged 14 to 64 who are either employed (in paid employment, self-employed and unpaid family workers) or unemployed (without work and available for work). Currently the Uganda labour force is estimated to be 9.8 million for person aged 14-64 years, of which 53 per cent are female. About 85 per cent of the labor is in rural areas, a notable percentage of the labour force is illiterate (30 percent). Close to 77 per cent of the labour force has either no education or has attained primary education. In addition, about 75 per cent of the labour force is below 40 years. This indicates that majority of the individuals entering labour market have no adequate skills considering that the majority youth do not appreciate vocational working skill training.
The 2009/2010 Uganda National Household Survey revealed that the unemployment rate was at 4.2 percent in 2009/2010 compared to 1.9 percent in 2005/2006. The survey also showed that the general proportion of youth (International definition, 15-24 years) rose from 27 percent in 2005/2006 to 28% in 2009/2010. On the other hand, the proportion of the youth (national definition, 18-30 years) rose from 44 percent in 2005/2006 to 48 percent in 2009/2010. According to a 2008 World Bank Report, Uganda is among the countries with the youngest population and the highest youth unemployment rate of 83%.
The National Youth policy recognizes that the major causes of a high youth unemployment rate are lack of employable skills, access to reproductive resources like land and capital, overemphasis on experience, lack of apprenticeship schemes, negative attitudes by the youth towards work especially in agriculture and lack of a comprehensive employment policy to mention but a few. There is also a possibility that a large share of current high youth unemployment is “structural,” meaning that the problem is that those who are unemployed are not compatible with the jobs available. This would be, for instance, because their skills are inadequate, have deteriorated, or are not applicable to the industries, or that the unemployed simply do not live in the places where the jobs are suggesting a possible skill mismatch. The low quality of education leads to a general lack of skills causing increased youth unemployment in Uganda.  Free education programmes are often limited to primary and secondary educations which have been seen to be lacking in quality. High dropout rates worsen the situation further.
Further, under the policy, the salient issues experienced by the youth in the area of education and training include selectiveness of education and training institutions in favor of urban areas, lack of equity and accessibility to education and training facilities, lack of vocationalisation of education at all levels, inadequate education and training facilities and shortage of personnel with quality practical skills training. One of the principles underlying the National Youth policy is the promotion of the principle of equity in opportunities and in distribution of programmes, services and resources.

Section 6 (1) of the Employment Act provides that it shall be the duty of all parties including the Minister, labour officers and the industrial court to seek to promote equality of opportunity  with a view to eliminating any discrimination in employment. In relating this provision to employment and the youth in Uganda, the law presupposes that the youth are entitled to access employment opportunities in the same manner as senior citizens in the country.
In the next 50 years, there is need to have Job centres to coordinate demand and supply on the labour market: private sector enterprises can advertise vacancies, saving job-seekers time and money from going to the enterprises to ask for a job. To successfully establish job centres it is important to go beyond mere administration of vacancies. It should be noted that Only 50 per cent of African Poverty Reduction Strategies address youth Issue therefore close contact must be maintained with the private sector to continuously assess skills demands. The job centre also needs to advise young people on marketable skills. And it needs to stay in close contact with training institutions. Further, formal education is critical in determining the quality of labour market entrants therefore, improving access to education is imperative, especially because less-educated people have access to fewer jobs. Unemployment is partly the result of a mismatch between inadequate educational outcomes and skills demand. The education system must provide the skills profiles required by the labour market to enhance the employability of young people.
Universities and secondary schools should introduce a career guidance component in the programmes offered and Universities should establish Graduate Development Programmes that enhance the employability of their graduates by providing them with job preparation information, for example, work related life skills, computer literacy, Curriculum vitae preparation and interview readiness. The youth need to adopt courses at tertiary institutions which encourage creativity and develop curricula that are responsive to emerging global demands and trends.  All these steps would ensure that all students make informed decisions and prepare them for the existing job market.
The employment challenge confronting Uganda is significant, with a whopping 32.2% youth unemployment rate. What is required is a comprehensive short-term and long-term reform agenda that will ensure the education system is adequate to avoid mismatch of skills in the labour market.

Thursday, July 19, 2012

New Districts Vs Service Delivery

CREATION OF 25 NEW DISTRICTS DOES NOT GUARANTEE IMPROVED SERVICES

The proponents of the creation of new districts argue that it’s intended to improve and bring services closer, for the effective administration of those areas.  The proposed new districts are Kagadi, Kakumiro, Bunyangabu, Butebo, Bugweri, Kakuuto, Kapelebyong, Kasanda Kazo, Kilak,  Kitagwenda, Kyadondo, Kyotera, Nabilatuk, Namisindwa, Omoro, Pakwach, Rubanda, Rukiga and Rwampara.
Uganda had 16 districts by 1959, which increased to 17 in 1962 and were 33 in 1986 when Museveni came to power. Currently we have 111 districts minus Kampala Capital City, making the total of all districts rise to 136 if approved.

Uganda is one of the Countries in Africa with the highest number of districts. Even the biggest countries in Africa have fewer districts like Nigeria.
Tax payers are worried about the implications of the additional new districts. The question however would be whether Uganda’s economy can support more districts. It is expensive to support a district. It requires a district council (LC5) with chairperson and deputy, a resident district commissioner, chief administrative officer, district planner, district education officer, district environment officer, district agricultural officer and NAADS coordinator, district councilors, district health officer, etc, all drawing hefty salaries and allowances. This also means 25 new women members of parliament, 25 Members of Parliament, and more expensive cars for the Honorables hence increased government spending. 

This will mean that the tax payer will cough an extra of about 50 billion per year and more Shs30 billion would be needed for administration alone.
Some critics are arguing that NRM is using this strategy to increase on their holding since they have lost many bi-elections and are losing popularity in the public eye. However, as tax payers this is not a big concern, all we are asking is that; Can Uganda’s ailing economy support the additional districts that will come with their more costs??

The creation of new districts does not bring services closer to the people, per se. Taking a case study of the “still” new districts of Kibingo, Nsiika, Rubirizi, Mitooma, and Bushenyi District which were curved out of the greater Bushenyi district of which up to now are still complaining of lack of drugs in the health centers, no electricity even in the municipality, roads still bad and some districts having no presentable head quarters. So where are the services that everyone is talking about?

I think Ugandan tax payers need not be taken for granted because at the end of the day this will affect all of us one way or the other, having the government increase on its expenditure. To those who are proponents of this motion need some sensitization so they can understand the implications that come with the increased number of districts.

My prediction is that by 2050 (if still alive) we will have about 900 districts…. (Hmmm)

FOR GOD AND MY COUNTRY!!!

Thursday, June 28, 2012

POMB Ammendments...


             PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE PUBLIC ORDER MANAGEMENT BILL, 2011
The Parliamentary Committee on Legal and Parliamentary affairs on the Public Order Management Bill proposed the following amendments after analyzing the Bill and receiving memoranda from some stakeholders;
1.         Clause 2: Interpretation
i)                    Substitute for the definition of “political organisation” the following - 
“any organisation the objects of which include the influencing of the political process or sponsoring a political agenda, whether or not it also seeks to sponsor or offer a platform to a candidate for election to a political office or participate in the governance of Uganda at any level.”
Justification: To bring it in consonance with the definition contained in the Political Parties and Organizations Act, 2005.
ii)                   Delete the definition of and replace it with the following:
 “Public place” or “public premises” includes any public way and any building, place or       conveyance to which, for the time being, the public are entitled or permitted to have access either without any condition or upon condition of making any payment and nay building or place which is for the time being used for any public or religious meetings or assembly or as an open court.”
Justification: to bring in line with the definition contained in the Penal Code Act, Cap 120 of the Laws of Uganda.
  1. In clause 4 page 5: Power of the Inspector General of Police.
By redrafting the clause to read as follows:-
“The Inspector General of Police shall have the power to regulate the conduct of all public meetings in accordance with the law.”
Justification: To remove the restrictions that were found unconstitutional in Muwanga Kivumbi v. The Attorney General of Uganda Constitutional petition No. 09 of 2005. That is, the clause reproduces section 32 (2) of the Police Act which was declared unconstitutional in the afore mentioned case.
  1. In clause 6 page 5: Meaning of “public meeting.”
i)                    In sub clause (1), by deleting the words;
“of three or more persons in or” appearing on line 2 and the words “or premises wholly or partly   open to air.”
Justification: Numbers are very complex and difficult to determine. It is a difficult provision to enforce. The committee agreed with the proposal to remove the restriction in terms of numbers because it enhances the right to assemble and demonstrate. Similarly, a meeting of three persons cannot pose a danger that requires police regulation.
ii)                   By deleting paragraphs (a) and (b).
        To avoid discrimination in lieu of article 21 of the Constitution. 
4.       Clause 6(2) page 5:
By deletion the entire clause.
Justification: the clause gives fertile ground for discrimination as outlawed by article 21 of the Constitution. The committee agreed with this proposal as it is not easy to ascertain the exclusiveness of the lawfulness of a meeting.
  1. Clause 7 page 6:
i)        In sub clause (1), by substituting for the words “at least seven days” appearing on lines 3 and 4 the words “at least four days”.
Justification:
There is need for the police to make the necessary arrangements to render sufficient security for the participants of the meetings. The duration is also necessary for the police to inform the general public who maybe within the neighboring areas of the meeting. The committee agreed with the proposal as there are demonstrations that are organized spontaneously and intended to show immediate discontent.
ii)    In sub clause 7(2)(b) by substituting for the words “ which shall be between 6:00am and 6:00pm” the words “provided that political meeting shall not be held beyond 6:00pm.”
Justification: To put a time limit on when political meetings can be held.
iii)                 Immediately after clause 7(2) by inserting a new clause (3)to read as follows:-
 “(3) The written notice shall be filled in triplicate and upon immediate completion of part 9 thereof copies shall be given to he applicant and the proprietor of the venue where the public meeting shall be held.”
Justification: To clarify on the procedure after the notice has been served.
iv)                 By inserting immediately after the new sub clause (3) the following:
“(4) where a public meeting is held, each of the persons organizing it is guilty of an offence if –
(a)    The requirements of this section as to notice have not been satisfied, or
(b)   The date when it is held, the time when it starts, or its route, differs from the date, time or route specified in the notice.
(5) it is a defence for the accused to prove that he or she did not know of, and neither suspected nor had reason to suspect, the failure to satisfy the requirements or (as the case may be) the difference of date, time or route.
(6) To the extent that an alleged offence turns on a difference of date, time or route, it is a defence for the accused to prove that the difference arose from circumstance beyond his control or from something done with the agreement of an authorized officer or by his direction.
Justification: for clarity.
6.       Clause 7 (5) page 7:
Substitute the words “the Inspector General of Police” for the words “An authorized officer”.
Justification: The authorized officer is more accessible than the Inspector General of Police. The Committee agreed with the proposal since it would ease communication.
7.       Clause 8(1) (c) page 7:
Delete paragraph (c) which reads “for any other reasonable cause”.
Justification: The sub clause is ambiguous and has the potential for broad and arbitrary application. The committee agreed with the proposal as it restricts the exercise of powers by the authorizing officer.
8.       Clause 8(4) page 8:
i)       Delete the words “other than the Inspector General of Police’ in the second line.
Justification: The Authorizing officer is a delegate of the Inspector General of Police as such the IGP is not the appropriate appellate forum.
ii)           Substitute for the words “Inspector General of Police” in the last line of the clause the words “a Magistrate in whose jurisdiction the meeting is scheduled to take place.”
          Justification: Since the authorized officer works on instruction of the IGP a magistrate is a neutral arbiter. The Committee agreed with the proposal as it introduces an impartial authority, the Magistrate.
9.       Clause 8 (5) page 8:
Delete the words A person aggrieved by the decision of the Inspector General of police may, within thirty days appeal to the High Court.”
Justification: This follows the amendment of sub clause (4) above.
10.   Clauses 9(1) (b), (2) and (3):
By deletion.
Justification: These powers are adequately catered for under clause 10 (f).
11.   Clause 10 (1):
i)          In sub clause (1) insert the word “before” immediately after the word “order”. Further insert the words “and after” immediately after the word “during” but before the letter “a”.
Justification: To widen the police responsibility to extend to before, during and after the public meeting.
ii)                                 In sub clause (f) substitute for the word “crowds” the word “individuals”.
Justification: The use of the word ‘crowd’ opens doors for dispersing of the persons attending the public meeting.
iii)                                Immediately after sub clause (f), insert a new clause reading as follows -
“(3) Without prejudicing an aggrieved party’s rights to seek civil redress, a police officer who unlawfully or unnecessarily exercises his authority under sub clause (2) commits an offence and shall on conviction be punished in accordance with paragraph 28 of the disciplinary code of conduct of police provided in the Police Act”.
Justification: To provide an avenue to regulate the conduct of police officers who are charged with public order management.
12.   Clause 11: page 9 -10;
By deletion.
Justification: provision is already under section 28 of the Police Act, Cap 303 of the laws of Uganda. The clause is therefore redundant.
13.   Clause 12(1) (b)
By deleting the words “not less than one” and the words “every fifty”.  Further add the letter “s” at the end of the “steward”.
Justification: Numbers are very difficult to ascertain.
14.   Clause 12(1) (c) page 10:
Add at the beginning of the clause the words “cooperate with the police to”.
Justification: To ensure that there is cooperation between both parties to ensure the elimination of firearms at public meetings. The committee agreed with the proposal as it puts back the burden of ensuring order in society to the police.
15.   Clause 12 (1) (d):
By deletion of entire clause, “ensure that statements made to the media and public do not conflict with any law”.
Justification: It is difficult to enforce.
16.   Clause 12 (1) (e):
By substituting the words “6:00p.m” the words “agreed time”.
17.   Clause 12(1)(h) page 10:
Replace the entire paragraph with the following –
“(h) in cooperation with the police undertake measures provided for under section 12 to ensure that there is no loss to a person or damage to property as a result of holding a public meeting.”
Justification: It is not possible for every organizer of a demonstration to ensure that no loss or damage whatsoever is caused by the participants. The committee agreed with the proposal as it puts back the burden of ensuring order in society to the police.
18.   Clause 13: page 11
By deletion.
Justification: The clause is redundant since it reproduces the provisions of section 40 of the Police Act, Cap 303 of the Laws of Uganda.
19.   Clause 15: page 11
i)                    In sub clause (1)
By substituting for the word “tranquility” the word “order” and by deletion of the words “at which it is reasonable to suppose that more than twenty-five persons will be present unless a permit has been obtained by the person or persons concerned.”
Justification: The clause imposes very stringent restrictions on the enjoyment of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights under article 29 of the Constitution.
ii)                             In sub clauses (2) to (9)
       By deletion.
                Justification: The provisions are already contained in section 35 of the Police Act.
iii)                           Immediately after sub clause (1)
       Insert a new sub clause (2) to read as follows –
“(2) A statutory instrument made under this provision shall before taking effect be laid before Parliament by way of motion for a resolution of Parliament approving it.”
Justification: To ensure that parliament scrutinizes the powers exercised by the Minister that affect the rights of citizens.
20.   Clause 16 page 13:
By deletion.
                Justification: It is already catered for under clause 15.
21.   Clause 17 page 14:
By inserting a new sub clause (4) immediately after sub clause (3) reading as follows -
“(4) Any regulations made under this provision shall before taking effect be laid before Parliament by way of motion for a resolution of Parliament approving them”.
22.   Schedule 3 page 18:
Delete the entire schedule.
Justification: It is catered for under the amendment proposed for clause 15.
23.   Cross references
By inserting immediately after the words “Traffic and Road Safety Act, 1998” the words –
‘Police Act, Cap 303”.

        
Is this a solution to the violation of Human Rights as was in the first draft of POMB?? Your say!!


Monday, April 16, 2012

Constitutionality of the Public Order Management Bill (POMB)

What if the Public Management Order Bill passes? What next…

Uganda is yet to witness the passing of laws that undermine enjoyment of rights but also limit the citizen’s role in governance and holding the state accountable. The Public Order Management Bill (POMB) is one of such proposals raised. The POMB is before Parliament’s Committee on Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, which is receiving views on the Bill and if finally passes into law, the POMB will do away with citizen participation hence infringing on their constitutional rights.

Proposers of the Bill have argued that the POMB is necessary to protect public order in Uganda due to increased demonstrations that many times have resulted in destruction of property and inconvenience to those not taking part in the demonstrations (as we all could have witnessed lately).
However, Section 4 of the Bill states that the Inspector General of Police (IGP) shall have the power to direct the conduct of all public meeting hence the Bill seeks to not only control the formation of public gatherings but also control the content of discussions of public meetings and it also subjects the holding of a public meeting to the unfettered discretion of the Inspector General of Police or his authorized officer.

National Objectives and Directive principles of State policy II provides that the state shall be based on democratic principles which empower and encourage the active participation of all citizens at all levels in their own governance which will be infringed by this bill if passed into law.

Constitutionality of the Bill

The Bill defines a public meeting which includes a meeting or gathering,  assembly, concourse, procession or demonstration of three or more persons in or on any public road at which government policy, actions, omissions or failures are discussed; or a meeting organized to form pressure groups to submit petitions to any person or to mobilize or demonstrate support for or opposition to views, principles, policy, actions or omissions of any person or body of persons or institution, including any government administration or government institution. Section 4, 5 and 7 of the Bill provide the IGP (or an authorized officer) with enormous powers to ‘regulate the conduct of all public meetings’, but does not provide a mechanism to be followed by the IGP in exercising his power of ‘regulation.’ The lack of precision in the grant of these powers of regulation gives room for exercise of unlimited, unsafeguarded discretion with serious ramifications for the rule of law and human rights and ultimately the right to assembly and demonstration.

On the other hand, the Constitution guarantees people’s fundamental rights to freely assemble, associate; and express themselves. Article 20 of the Constitution provides that fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual are inherent and not granted by the State.
The Constitution further states that the rights and freedoms of the individual and groups enshrined in this Chapter shall be respected, upheld and promoted by all organs and agencies of Government and by all persons. However, by giving the IGP powers to direct the conduct of all public meetings; and giving Police wide discretion to disperse defiant or unruly crowds at public meetings, this would result in limiting citizens’ freedoms of expression, assembly and association as guaranteed by the constitution.

The issue of police powers in relation to freedoms of assembly, expression and association was already exhaustively discussed and concluded in the Constitutional case of Muwanga Vs. Attorney General (Constitutional Petition No. 9 of 2005). In this case, Muwanga petitioned the Constitutional Court requesting that s.32(2) of the Police Act should be declared unconstitutional because it infringed on people’s constitutional rights of free association and Assembly.
s. 32(2) of the Police Act stated that: “If it comes to the knowledge of the Inspector General that it is intended to convene any assembly or form any procession on any public road or street or at any place of public resort, and the Inspector general has reasonable grounds for believing that the assembly or procession is likely to cause a breach of the peace, the Inspector general may, by notice to the person responsible for convening the assembly or forming the procession, prohibit the convening of the assembly or forming the procession”
Indeed, one of the key issues in that case, was whether the Police have the powers to disperse lawful assemblies. The Court noted that whereas these freedoms are not absolute, there is an objective standard outlined in Article 43(2) to limit people’s fundamental freedoms. These legal principles were enunciated in the case of Charles Onyango Obbo and Another Vs. the Attorney General where the Supreme Court noted among others that Article 43(2) of the Constitution presupposed the existence of universal democratic values and principles to which every society adheres. It also underscores the fact that by her Constitution, Uganda is a democratic state committed to adherence to those principles and values. In Onyango Obbo’s case, the Court noted that any justification of a law imposing limitations on people’s guaranteed rights must pass the following test:
(a)    The legislative objective which the limitation is designed to promote must be sufficiently important to warrant overriding a fundamental right;
(b)   The measures designed to meet the objective must be rationally connected to it and not arbitrary, unfair or based on irrational considerations
(c)    The means used to impair the rights of freedom must be more than necessary to accomplish the objective

In the case of Muwanga Vs. Attorney General, the Court stated that the fundamental rights of freedom of expression, right to peaceful assembly, belief, opinion and religion when taken together, protect the rights of individuals not only to individually form and express opinions of whatever nature, but to establish associations of groups of like-minded people to foster and disseminate such opinions even when those opinions are controversial.
Court further noted that: ‘In every society there is always tension between those who desire to be free from annoyance and disorder on one hand, and those who believe to have the freedom to bring to the attention of their fellow citizens matters which they consider important. Peaceful assemblies and protests are a vital part of every democratic society. They can be a very powerful tool and some of the rights and freedoms that some countries enjoy today were gained because some people were prepared to go out on the streets and protest … a society, especially a democratic one, should be able to tolerate a good deal of annoyance or disorder so as to encourage the greatest possible freedom of expression, particularly political expression 

(There are examples of countries where protests have been used as a powerful tool, Egypt to mention but a few)

The Constitutional Court thereby ruled that the S. 32 (2) of the Police Act gave the IGP excessive powers which he may use as he wishes to curtail people’s rights and freedoms of conscience, speech, association and assembly, yet these rights are very necessary in a multi-party political system. Court found section 32(2) of the Police Act to be inconsistent with the Constitution and held it to be null and void. Therefore, since this matter was exhaustively discussed and concluded in the case of Muwanga Vs. the AG, government is now using a back-door approach, using sections 4 and 5 of the Bill to reintroduce legislation that was held to be unconstitutional. The annulled section 32 is revived in sections 4, 5 & 7 of the POM Bill. 
 This would infringe Article 92 of the Constitution which provides that Parliament shall not pass any law to alter the decision or judgment of any court as between the parties to the decision or judgment.

I am not writing this to cause any argument or discontentment, but am looking at the constitutionality of this bill if it’s finally passed into law. There will be many consequences to that cause. Are the citizens ready for this? Because it could pass.

What if it passes?  - Take or leave Opinions.

Tuesday, April 3, 2012

FY 2012/13 B UDGET SHOULD BE MORE STRATEGIC



THE FY 2012/13 B UDGET SHOULD BE MORE STRATEGIC 

Over the last twenty  five  years, Uganda’s  economy  has  registered  an average  growth  rate  of  about  6.5 percent  per  annum. Even during  the  current   period  of slow  recovery  in  the  global  economy  from  the financial crisis  which  started  around  FY 2008/09, our  economy  has  remained   resilient  registering  a 6.3perent   growth last  FY2010/11. While   the   economy  proved  resilient  to the  shocks of  the  2008  financial  crisis, this  resilience is now  being  tested  by  both domestic  developments  and  the  deterioration of  the international economic  environment.  Although the global economy will continue to suffer considering the ongoing   sovereign debt crisis in the Euro Zone. It’s  worth  noting  that the  IMF  has  substantially  reduced   its  2012  economic  growth    projection  for  Uganda  to  below  5.0 percent   in  the  financial year  2011/12 which should help Uganda  make strides   towards  speeding  up the  process  of  attaining  middle  income  status  in the  medium  term.

Since  last  year, economy  has  experienced a very  challenging  macroeconomic environment  arising from supply side  driven inflationary pressure ,exchange rate  volatility   and  the  impact  of  the  ongoing economic crisis in Euro Zone.  The  slowdown has  negatively  impacted  the  level of  capital and  financial flows  to Uganda  while  weakening  our  export  base, resulting  into weakening of  the  balance of  payment position. The  weak   Balance of Payment  stems  from deterioration in terms of  trade, reduced  export earning, lower  remittances  and  low  foreign direct  investment  and  portfolio  inflows. These factors have in turn combined with international investors  uncertainty to exert  pressure on the  exchange rate and  subsequently  domestic price levels.  

 The FY 2011/13  budget is coming at time when Uganda is going through economic hardships  like unacceptable high inflation rate, deprecating exchange  rate,  low and uncertain agricultural production  and  productivity ,infrastructural  constraints and  the  ongoing   economic slowdown  in the   major economies   especially  the  Euro zone  . There are already strong indications that the BOU’s policy of raising interest rates is starting to work. Annual headline inflation peaked in October last year and has been gradually falling since then. This progress is not simply attributable to the fall in food crop prices over the last two months; core inflation, which excludes food crops, has also fallen gradually since October. The growth in bank lending, which had been very rapid in the first nine months of 2011, and which was beginning to pose serious inflationary risks, has since begun to slow down; this is a direct result of policy of raising interest rates. 

This  therefore  requires  us  to  put  in  place  other  right  policies, institutions  and   address  the  major  impediments  to growth . we  must understand   that  economic  growth  is  only  one  aspect  of  development . Another   key  dimension  of  development   is  the  improvement   in the  administrative  capacity  of  the state  in order  to direct  the  course  of  development. It’s  now time  to focus   on those  interventions  that will quicken  the pace  of  development, overall transformation   of the economy   and  improved  welfare of  every  Ugandan. It’s  important  for  government  to focus  on  prudent  macroeconomic  management , including   consistent  monetary   and  fiscal policies  ,as  well as  stepping  up domestic  revenue  mobilization.  

 Government  should  also  consider re-balancing  of  budget  priorities  to put   the  county  on a sustainable  growth path to achieve a long  term  vision of  economic  action in a middle income  economy. The  budget strategy  for  the  FY 2012/13 should focus on  ensuring   macroeconomic  stability in particular  bringing  inflation  to acceptable  levels and  improving Uganda’s   external competiveness   with in the  overall framework of  the  National Development  Plan  .

Citizens need a budget that is more strategic and considers peoples priorities....

Friday, March 9, 2012

Any Vacancy in KCCA??... "Man Eateth where he Worketh"

Per New Vision 9th March 2011

The Ministry of Public Service has approved a new salary structure for Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA), staff the New Vision online has learnt.
President Yoweri Museveni approved the salary structure in December last year, in which the lowest paid employee (tea girl) earns sh1.1m per month.  The public service ministry was tasked to prepare an administrative structure for the Authority.
Under the structure, Jennifer Musisi is entitled to a monthly salary of sh36m while the Lord Mayor bags sh16m.
The deputy executive director and other directors earn between shs22m, the deputy Lord Mayor sh11m; division mayors sh10.7m and their deputies shs8.2m.Division councilors are entitled to sh3.5m while district (LC5) councilors earn sh4.45m.
The release of the new administrative structure paves way for the recruitment of over 1,000 employees by KCCA.
KCCA spokesperson, Peter Kaujju said the Authority would roll out a programme to cater for employees who will opt to leave the institution. The Authority will, however, allow existing employees to reapply for the available positions.
"We have waited for that approval for a long time and the institution needs staff so that work can move," Kaujju said.
The orientation of staff to the new structure will take place on Friday at the City Hall Gardens.
In a memo from the KCCA executive director Jennifer Musisi to KCCA staff dated March 7, she wrote: "This is to inform you that the Ministry of Public Service has approved the KCCA organization structure, staffing and salary structure."


" Man Eateth where he Worketh"