Monday, October 8, 2012

Idle Ambulances a sign of reluctance in Health Care


“IDLE” AMBULANCES A SIGN OF RELUCTANCE IN HEALTH CARE
By Adellah Agaba

The Daily Monitor has recently launched a commendable initiative to uncover the misuse of ambulances in various government health facilities countrywide. Instead of the usual rebukes that usually accompany such media campaigns, the Government needs to fully support this particular one as it is geared towards improving the quality of service delivery.

It is not surprising that the exposition reveals an appalling state of the health service sector. It has been a long known secret that most of the government ambulances are either idle, broken down or being misused by government officials, as official transport vehicles. Often times, patients in critical need of ambulance service have been extorted of large sums of money because the health facilities lack fuel for the ambulances. In deed many of the health facilities have often run without medical consumables because of inadequate budgetary allocations to the health sector. 

The Government recently yielded to calls for an additional allocation to the health ministry, forking out sh49.54 billion for the sector. This money is to be financed through budget from other ministries. The key concern is that this additional budget is going to recruitment and remuneration of health workers – with sh6.5 billion already identified for the recruitment of 6,172 health workers.
While staff shortage has been one of the key bottlenecks facing the health sector – with many qualified health professionals preferring to opt high paying foreign jobs – an additional budgetary allocation to only staffing needs will not solve the endemic problems in the sector.

The Daily Monitor of March 11, 2012 published an agonizing article titled “Nakapiripirit patients use wheelbarrows as ambulances” that revealed the despair of a husband wheeling his pregnant wife to a health centre on a wheelbarrow. The woman did not make it, the only ambulance that used to serve the district broke down three years ago and government is yet to respond to the district’s request for another vehicle. Many other Ugandan women have died while giving birth often because of either professional negligence or inadequate medical equipment. The case of Mbale teacher Cecilia Nambozo – a Ugandan tax payer who bled to death 2011 during labour because she lacked sh300,000 for a caesarean section - is still fresh in our minds.

Of what importance is it to recruit more health workers when there are insufficient medical consumables like protective wears, or constant drug stock outs in the health centres? Will it be relevant to cut several ministries’ budgets when citizens cannot access health services due to transportation inconveniences – including lack of ambulances or poor road conditions?

The Ministry of Health needs to have sufficient data on the usage of ambulances by its various facilities. There is need for constant monitoring and supervision in the health centres to ensure that the ambulances are put to their proper use. In addition, Ugandan citizens have a collective responsibility in ensuring that public property is put to proper use, instead of looking on blindly and later heaping the blame on government.   
With all these budget cuts we expect to see a vibrant health sector with good services delivered to the stakeholders and ambulances which are working to save life not parked and idle when expectant mothers are dying after more health personnel have been recruited. It’s time to see value for money in the Health Sector.

The author works with Uganda Debt Network

Lack of Political Will to Fight Corruption in Uganda


Cabinet reshuffle confirms lack of political will to fight corruption 
By Adellah Agaba

President Yoweri Museveni recently made a cabinet reshuffle which critics have argued underscored the Government’s lack of political will to fight corruption.  
The Cabinet lineup included three ministers still battling court cases over abuse of office and causing financial loss to the government, resulting from their roles in organizing the 2007 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Kampala which allegedly cost the government over $150 million (over sh350 billion). 

Ministers Sam Kutesa (Foreign Affairs) and Mwesigwa Rukuntana (State for Labor) retained their positions, while John Nasasira was transferred from the apparently “less influential” post of Chief Whip to General Duties Minister in the Office of the Prime Minister.  Some of these ministers were also accused of taking bribes from oil companies which they denied.
In 2004, President Museveni launched the National Strategy to Fight Corruption. The strategy provided a Plan of Action to guide interventions in the fight against graft, and culminated into the government declaring a Zero tolerance policy towards corruption, as part of the overall National Anti-Corruption Strategy. However, the direction that the ruling NRM government is taking seems to be in direct conflict with this “only on paper” strategy. The President continues to make appointments to reward patronage and loyalty, rather than merit. Individuals muddied by corruption, such as Alintuma Nsambu, continue to enjoy presidential approval as the NRM seems resigned to its inability to check the “progress” made by those ripping off government coffers.  

With the glaring reluctance to fight corruption, exhibited by the actions of the President, it was not surprising that some of these political players resurfaced in the new Cabinet even before they are acquitted by the courts of law. In any case, did the President not reappoint Kutesa to government after his censor by the 6th Parliament for abuse of office?
The reappointments of ministers Kutesa, Nasasira and Rukutana have therefore laid bare any claims of President Museveni’s commitment to eliminate the terminal cancer of corruption in his government. Worse still, the appointments of Alintuma Nsambu (ambassador) and Kirunda Kivejinja (presidential ambassador) - despite both being regularly linked to corruption scandals - are testimony to the regime’s inability to prize merit over loyalty. 
According to Transparency International Annual Corruption Perception Index (CPI) of December 2011, Uganda’s score has remained dismally below 3.0 percent, suggesting that corruption is “prospering” and that not much impact has been registered in effectively fighting against the vice. The country is still ranked among the most corrupt countries, placed at number 143 out of 182. This is a worrying decline from the 127th ranking in 2010.
Despite some positive aspects of the legal and institutional framework, recent corruption cases and political developments in Uganda indicate a lack of political backing for the implementation of anti-corruption reforms. The government needs to urgently enforce the existing anti corruption laws.   

 The President needs to seize this moment and reaffirm his commitment to the fight against corruption by not reinstating ministers tainted with corruption scandals just like he did with former ministers Prof. Khiddu Makubuya, Saida Bbumba and Kabakumba Masiko. 
If the fight against corruption is to yield tangible results, there is need to mobilize citizens to demand for government action on corruption. Since fighting corruption requires concerted efforts and active participation of all stakeholders, citizens need to be sensitized about their constitutional and legal rights and entitlements if they are to demand for them from the state. However, the onus remains with the government of Uganda and the President in particular, to go beyond talking - and walk the talk. 

If corruption is not to exacerbate inequalities and weaken government service delivery, there is need for government to take decisive action irrespective of the personalities involved; and restore public faith and confidence in the “Zero tolerance to corruption” policy.

 The writer works with Uganda Debt Network

Tuesday, October 2, 2012

Youth Unemployment Vs Poor Education Sytem


Youth Unemployment as a result of poor Education Systems in Uganda

The term unemployment is not new to many Ugandans where youth unemployment was 23% by the year 2002 and estimated to be at a whopping 32.2% at the present and the extent of the problem has long been recognized as a serious gap in the country’s efforts to reduce poverty and idleness among the young people. The Ugandan labor force consists of persons aged 14 to 64 who are either employed (in paid employment, self-employed and unpaid family workers) or unemployed (without work and available for work). Currently the Uganda labour force is estimated to be 9.8 million for person aged 14-64 years, of which 53 per cent are female. About 85 per cent of the labor is in rural areas, a notable percentage of the labour force is illiterate (30 percent). Close to 77 per cent of the labour force has either no education or has attained primary education. In addition, about 75 per cent of the labour force is below 40 years. This indicates that majority of the individuals entering labour market have no adequate skills considering that the majority youth do not appreciate vocational working skill training.
The 2009/2010 Uganda National Household Survey revealed that the unemployment rate was at 4.2 percent in 2009/2010 compared to 1.9 percent in 2005/2006. The survey also showed that the general proportion of youth (International definition, 15-24 years) rose from 27 percent in 2005/2006 to 28% in 2009/2010. On the other hand, the proportion of the youth (national definition, 18-30 years) rose from 44 percent in 2005/2006 to 48 percent in 2009/2010. According to a 2008 World Bank Report, Uganda is among the countries with the youngest population and the highest youth unemployment rate of 83%.
The National Youth policy recognizes that the major causes of a high youth unemployment rate are lack of employable skills, access to reproductive resources like land and capital, overemphasis on experience, lack of apprenticeship schemes, negative attitudes by the youth towards work especially in agriculture and lack of a comprehensive employment policy to mention but a few. There is also a possibility that a large share of current high youth unemployment is “structural,” meaning that the problem is that those who are unemployed are not compatible with the jobs available. This would be, for instance, because their skills are inadequate, have deteriorated, or are not applicable to the industries, or that the unemployed simply do not live in the places where the jobs are suggesting a possible skill mismatch. The low quality of education leads to a general lack of skills causing increased youth unemployment in Uganda.  Free education programmes are often limited to primary and secondary educations which have been seen to be lacking in quality. High dropout rates worsen the situation further.
Further, under the policy, the salient issues experienced by the youth in the area of education and training include selectiveness of education and training institutions in favor of urban areas, lack of equity and accessibility to education and training facilities, lack of vocationalisation of education at all levels, inadequate education and training facilities and shortage of personnel with quality practical skills training. One of the principles underlying the National Youth policy is the promotion of the principle of equity in opportunities and in distribution of programmes, services and resources.

Section 6 (1) of the Employment Act provides that it shall be the duty of all parties including the Minister, labour officers and the industrial court to seek to promote equality of opportunity  with a view to eliminating any discrimination in employment. In relating this provision to employment and the youth in Uganda, the law presupposes that the youth are entitled to access employment opportunities in the same manner as senior citizens in the country.
In the next 50 years, there is need to have Job centres to coordinate demand and supply on the labour market: private sector enterprises can advertise vacancies, saving job-seekers time and money from going to the enterprises to ask for a job. To successfully establish job centres it is important to go beyond mere administration of vacancies. It should be noted that Only 50 per cent of African Poverty Reduction Strategies address youth Issue therefore close contact must be maintained with the private sector to continuously assess skills demands. The job centre also needs to advise young people on marketable skills. And it needs to stay in close contact with training institutions. Further, formal education is critical in determining the quality of labour market entrants therefore, improving access to education is imperative, especially because less-educated people have access to fewer jobs. Unemployment is partly the result of a mismatch between inadequate educational outcomes and skills demand. The education system must provide the skills profiles required by the labour market to enhance the employability of young people.
Universities and secondary schools should introduce a career guidance component in the programmes offered and Universities should establish Graduate Development Programmes that enhance the employability of their graduates by providing them with job preparation information, for example, work related life skills, computer literacy, Curriculum vitae preparation and interview readiness. The youth need to adopt courses at tertiary institutions which encourage creativity and develop curricula that are responsive to emerging global demands and trends.  All these steps would ensure that all students make informed decisions and prepare them for the existing job market.
The employment challenge confronting Uganda is significant, with a whopping 32.2% youth unemployment rate. What is required is a comprehensive short-term and long-term reform agenda that will ensure the education system is adequate to avoid mismatch of skills in the labour market.

Thursday, July 19, 2012

New Districts Vs Service Delivery

CREATION OF 25 NEW DISTRICTS DOES NOT GUARANTEE IMPROVED SERVICES

The proponents of the creation of new districts argue that it’s intended to improve and bring services closer, for the effective administration of those areas.  The proposed new districts are Kagadi, Kakumiro, Bunyangabu, Butebo, Bugweri, Kakuuto, Kapelebyong, Kasanda Kazo, Kilak,  Kitagwenda, Kyadondo, Kyotera, Nabilatuk, Namisindwa, Omoro, Pakwach, Rubanda, Rukiga and Rwampara.
Uganda had 16 districts by 1959, which increased to 17 in 1962 and were 33 in 1986 when Museveni came to power. Currently we have 111 districts minus Kampala Capital City, making the total of all districts rise to 136 if approved.

Uganda is one of the Countries in Africa with the highest number of districts. Even the biggest countries in Africa have fewer districts like Nigeria.
Tax payers are worried about the implications of the additional new districts. The question however would be whether Uganda’s economy can support more districts. It is expensive to support a district. It requires a district council (LC5) with chairperson and deputy, a resident district commissioner, chief administrative officer, district planner, district education officer, district environment officer, district agricultural officer and NAADS coordinator, district councilors, district health officer, etc, all drawing hefty salaries and allowances. This also means 25 new women members of parliament, 25 Members of Parliament, and more expensive cars for the Honorables hence increased government spending. 

This will mean that the tax payer will cough an extra of about 50 billion per year and more Shs30 billion would be needed for administration alone.
Some critics are arguing that NRM is using this strategy to increase on their holding since they have lost many bi-elections and are losing popularity in the public eye. However, as tax payers this is not a big concern, all we are asking is that; Can Uganda’s ailing economy support the additional districts that will come with their more costs??

The creation of new districts does not bring services closer to the people, per se. Taking a case study of the “still” new districts of Kibingo, Nsiika, Rubirizi, Mitooma, and Bushenyi District which were curved out of the greater Bushenyi district of which up to now are still complaining of lack of drugs in the health centers, no electricity even in the municipality, roads still bad and some districts having no presentable head quarters. So where are the services that everyone is talking about?

I think Ugandan tax payers need not be taken for granted because at the end of the day this will affect all of us one way or the other, having the government increase on its expenditure. To those who are proponents of this motion need some sensitization so they can understand the implications that come with the increased number of districts.

My prediction is that by 2050 (if still alive) we will have about 900 districts…. (Hmmm)

FOR GOD AND MY COUNTRY!!!

Thursday, June 28, 2012

POMB Ammendments...


             PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO THE PUBLIC ORDER MANAGEMENT BILL, 2011
The Parliamentary Committee on Legal and Parliamentary affairs on the Public Order Management Bill proposed the following amendments after analyzing the Bill and receiving memoranda from some stakeholders;
1.         Clause 2: Interpretation
i)                    Substitute for the definition of “political organisation” the following - 
“any organisation the objects of which include the influencing of the political process or sponsoring a political agenda, whether or not it also seeks to sponsor or offer a platform to a candidate for election to a political office or participate in the governance of Uganda at any level.”
Justification: To bring it in consonance with the definition contained in the Political Parties and Organizations Act, 2005.
ii)                   Delete the definition of and replace it with the following:
 “Public place” or “public premises” includes any public way and any building, place or       conveyance to which, for the time being, the public are entitled or permitted to have access either without any condition or upon condition of making any payment and nay building or place which is for the time being used for any public or religious meetings or assembly or as an open court.”
Justification: to bring in line with the definition contained in the Penal Code Act, Cap 120 of the Laws of Uganda.
  1. In clause 4 page 5: Power of the Inspector General of Police.
By redrafting the clause to read as follows:-
“The Inspector General of Police shall have the power to regulate the conduct of all public meetings in accordance with the law.”
Justification: To remove the restrictions that were found unconstitutional in Muwanga Kivumbi v. The Attorney General of Uganda Constitutional petition No. 09 of 2005. That is, the clause reproduces section 32 (2) of the Police Act which was declared unconstitutional in the afore mentioned case.
  1. In clause 6 page 5: Meaning of “public meeting.”
i)                    In sub clause (1), by deleting the words;
“of three or more persons in or” appearing on line 2 and the words “or premises wholly or partly   open to air.”
Justification: Numbers are very complex and difficult to determine. It is a difficult provision to enforce. The committee agreed with the proposal to remove the restriction in terms of numbers because it enhances the right to assemble and demonstrate. Similarly, a meeting of three persons cannot pose a danger that requires police regulation.
ii)                   By deleting paragraphs (a) and (b).
        To avoid discrimination in lieu of article 21 of the Constitution. 
4.       Clause 6(2) page 5:
By deletion the entire clause.
Justification: the clause gives fertile ground for discrimination as outlawed by article 21 of the Constitution. The committee agreed with this proposal as it is not easy to ascertain the exclusiveness of the lawfulness of a meeting.
  1. Clause 7 page 6:
i)        In sub clause (1), by substituting for the words “at least seven days” appearing on lines 3 and 4 the words “at least four days”.
Justification:
There is need for the police to make the necessary arrangements to render sufficient security for the participants of the meetings. The duration is also necessary for the police to inform the general public who maybe within the neighboring areas of the meeting. The committee agreed with the proposal as there are demonstrations that are organized spontaneously and intended to show immediate discontent.
ii)    In sub clause 7(2)(b) by substituting for the words “ which shall be between 6:00am and 6:00pm” the words “provided that political meeting shall not be held beyond 6:00pm.”
Justification: To put a time limit on when political meetings can be held.
iii)                 Immediately after clause 7(2) by inserting a new clause (3)to read as follows:-
 “(3) The written notice shall be filled in triplicate and upon immediate completion of part 9 thereof copies shall be given to he applicant and the proprietor of the venue where the public meeting shall be held.”
Justification: To clarify on the procedure after the notice has been served.
iv)                 By inserting immediately after the new sub clause (3) the following:
“(4) where a public meeting is held, each of the persons organizing it is guilty of an offence if –
(a)    The requirements of this section as to notice have not been satisfied, or
(b)   The date when it is held, the time when it starts, or its route, differs from the date, time or route specified in the notice.
(5) it is a defence for the accused to prove that he or she did not know of, and neither suspected nor had reason to suspect, the failure to satisfy the requirements or (as the case may be) the difference of date, time or route.
(6) To the extent that an alleged offence turns on a difference of date, time or route, it is a defence for the accused to prove that the difference arose from circumstance beyond his control or from something done with the agreement of an authorized officer or by his direction.
Justification: for clarity.
6.       Clause 7 (5) page 7:
Substitute the words “the Inspector General of Police” for the words “An authorized officer”.
Justification: The authorized officer is more accessible than the Inspector General of Police. The Committee agreed with the proposal since it would ease communication.
7.       Clause 8(1) (c) page 7:
Delete paragraph (c) which reads “for any other reasonable cause”.
Justification: The sub clause is ambiguous and has the potential for broad and arbitrary application. The committee agreed with the proposal as it restricts the exercise of powers by the authorizing officer.
8.       Clause 8(4) page 8:
i)       Delete the words “other than the Inspector General of Police’ in the second line.
Justification: The Authorizing officer is a delegate of the Inspector General of Police as such the IGP is not the appropriate appellate forum.
ii)           Substitute for the words “Inspector General of Police” in the last line of the clause the words “a Magistrate in whose jurisdiction the meeting is scheduled to take place.”
          Justification: Since the authorized officer works on instruction of the IGP a magistrate is a neutral arbiter. The Committee agreed with the proposal as it introduces an impartial authority, the Magistrate.
9.       Clause 8 (5) page 8:
Delete the words A person aggrieved by the decision of the Inspector General of police may, within thirty days appeal to the High Court.”
Justification: This follows the amendment of sub clause (4) above.
10.   Clauses 9(1) (b), (2) and (3):
By deletion.
Justification: These powers are adequately catered for under clause 10 (f).
11.   Clause 10 (1):
i)          In sub clause (1) insert the word “before” immediately after the word “order”. Further insert the words “and after” immediately after the word “during” but before the letter “a”.
Justification: To widen the police responsibility to extend to before, during and after the public meeting.
ii)                                 In sub clause (f) substitute for the word “crowds” the word “individuals”.
Justification: The use of the word ‘crowd’ opens doors for dispersing of the persons attending the public meeting.
iii)                                Immediately after sub clause (f), insert a new clause reading as follows -
“(3) Without prejudicing an aggrieved party’s rights to seek civil redress, a police officer who unlawfully or unnecessarily exercises his authority under sub clause (2) commits an offence and shall on conviction be punished in accordance with paragraph 28 of the disciplinary code of conduct of police provided in the Police Act”.
Justification: To provide an avenue to regulate the conduct of police officers who are charged with public order management.
12.   Clause 11: page 9 -10;
By deletion.
Justification: provision is already under section 28 of the Police Act, Cap 303 of the laws of Uganda. The clause is therefore redundant.
13.   Clause 12(1) (b)
By deleting the words “not less than one” and the words “every fifty”.  Further add the letter “s” at the end of the “steward”.
Justification: Numbers are very difficult to ascertain.
14.   Clause 12(1) (c) page 10:
Add at the beginning of the clause the words “cooperate with the police to”.
Justification: To ensure that there is cooperation between both parties to ensure the elimination of firearms at public meetings. The committee agreed with the proposal as it puts back the burden of ensuring order in society to the police.
15.   Clause 12 (1) (d):
By deletion of entire clause, “ensure that statements made to the media and public do not conflict with any law”.
Justification: It is difficult to enforce.
16.   Clause 12 (1) (e):
By substituting the words “6:00p.m” the words “agreed time”.
17.   Clause 12(1)(h) page 10:
Replace the entire paragraph with the following –
“(h) in cooperation with the police undertake measures provided for under section 12 to ensure that there is no loss to a person or damage to property as a result of holding a public meeting.”
Justification: It is not possible for every organizer of a demonstration to ensure that no loss or damage whatsoever is caused by the participants. The committee agreed with the proposal as it puts back the burden of ensuring order in society to the police.
18.   Clause 13: page 11
By deletion.
Justification: The clause is redundant since it reproduces the provisions of section 40 of the Police Act, Cap 303 of the Laws of Uganda.
19.   Clause 15: page 11
i)                    In sub clause (1)
By substituting for the word “tranquility” the word “order” and by deletion of the words “at which it is reasonable to suppose that more than twenty-five persons will be present unless a permit has been obtained by the person or persons concerned.”
Justification: The clause imposes very stringent restrictions on the enjoyment of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights under article 29 of the Constitution.
ii)                             In sub clauses (2) to (9)
       By deletion.
                Justification: The provisions are already contained in section 35 of the Police Act.
iii)                           Immediately after sub clause (1)
       Insert a new sub clause (2) to read as follows –
“(2) A statutory instrument made under this provision shall before taking effect be laid before Parliament by way of motion for a resolution of Parliament approving it.”
Justification: To ensure that parliament scrutinizes the powers exercised by the Minister that affect the rights of citizens.
20.   Clause 16 page 13:
By deletion.
                Justification: It is already catered for under clause 15.
21.   Clause 17 page 14:
By inserting a new sub clause (4) immediately after sub clause (3) reading as follows -
“(4) Any regulations made under this provision shall before taking effect be laid before Parliament by way of motion for a resolution of Parliament approving them”.
22.   Schedule 3 page 18:
Delete the entire schedule.
Justification: It is catered for under the amendment proposed for clause 15.
23.   Cross references
By inserting immediately after the words “Traffic and Road Safety Act, 1998” the words –
‘Police Act, Cap 303”.

        
Is this a solution to the violation of Human Rights as was in the first draft of POMB?? Your say!!